Steady money. Steady prices. Same rules, left to right.
Americans disagree about a lot. Most of us agree on this: your paycheck shouldn’t shrink because of politics, Washington shouldn’t borrow without limit, and when costs come down, prices should too. The STEADY Act writes those rules into law, for whichever party is in charge.
It protects the value of your money.
The 2% inflation goal goes into law. When the Federal Reserve misses it, the Fed has to explain why, in public, and say what it’s doing about it. No President or Congress can quietly order cheap money to win an election.
It stops the debt from outgrowing the country.
Interest is now the fastest-growing bill Washington pays. The act phases the deficit, not counting interest, down to zero over nine years. If Congress overshoots, the fix is shared fairly, and Social Security checks are never touched.
It makes prices come back down.
When shipping, fuel or wholesale costs fall, the biggest companies in concentrated markets have to let your prices fall too. Pricing software that lets competitors quietly coordinate is banned. No price is capped, and small businesses aren’t covered.
Who it covers
The institutions that set the value of your money, the size of the debt and the prices you pay.
The Federal ReserveCongress & the President’s budgetsFed officials (trading rules)Big firms in concentrated marketsPricing-software vendorsFederal contractorsTax breaks of the top 1%, if a correction is needed
Why now? Because both sides have felt it.
You may remember different examples depending on where you sit. The fix is the same.
If you lean left, you may remember
Grocery chains’ revenues running 7% over their costs in 2023, above pre-pandemic levels, after the Federal Trade Commission found some firms used rising costs to raise prices further.
Landlords using shared software that, the Justice Department alleged, let them coordinate rents with competitors’ private data.
A President trying to fire a Fed governor; the Supreme Court blocked it 5–4 in June 2026.
If you lean right, you may remember
A $2 trillion deficit in 2026, with debt on track to pass its World War II record by 2030.
Inflation back up to 3.7% in September 2026, eating into savings and paychecks.
Top Fed officials trading stocks while setting policy; three left in 2021–22 before the Fed tightened its rules.
The lesson is the same on both sides: money and prices are too important to be left to whoever holds power this year. Rules that bind every administration are the only rules that protect every family.
Step 2 · Why you should care
Unsteady money costs you every month.
It shows up at the grocery store, in your rent, in your mortgage rate and in what your taxes buy. Here’s what happened, and what STEADY would change.
Step 3 · What it does
Six promises, one for each letter.
The act has 10 packages that move through Congress as five separate bills. Together they keep six promises. Tap a number to read the package behind it.
What it does not do
It doesn’t control prices. Companies still set their own.
It doesn’t cut Social Security, veterans’ benefits, Medicaid or SNAP.
It doesn’t raise taxes on the middle class. Only tax breaks of the top 1% are in play, and only if Congress overshoots.
It doesn’t let politicians set interest rates.
It doesn’t cover small businesses. The price rules reach only firms over $1 billion in sales.
It doesn’t force cuts in a recession, or block real emergency spending.
It doesn’t need a constitutional amendment. It works under today’s Constitution.
Step 4 · Where do you stand?
Check the reforms you support.
Your choices stay in your browser. Use them in step 6 to write to your representatives.
The core reforms
Each one applies the same way whichever party is in power.
Also proposed, more debated
These are part of the plan, but each can be voted on separately, so disagreeing with one doesn’t sink the rest.
You support 0 of 15 reforms.
Step 5 · What you’ll hear
The pitches, the pushback and who’s paying.
You’ll hear this proposal praised and attacked. Here is how each side is likely to talk about it, the strongest honest criticisms, and the answers.
How each side can make the case
The pitch to voters on the left
“When costs fall, prices have to fall. The biggest corporations can’t pocket the difference.”
“Rents set by competition, not by landlords’ shared software.”
“If the budget needs fixing, the top 1% put in as much as everyone else, and Social Security checks are off the table.”
“An independent Fed that no President can bully into cheap money before an election.”
The pitch to voters on the right
“A hard limit on deficits that Washington can’t vote away in a spending bill.”
“Sound money: a 2% inflation goal in law, and the Fed has to answer for missing it.”
“No price controls. Markets set prices; collusion is what gets banned.”
“Taxpayers stop overpaying contractors when prices fall, and Fed insiders can’t trade on what they know.”
Fair criticisms, and the answers
Each criticism is stated in its strongest honest form.
How money and media are likely to play it
Expect different messengers to cheer different packages and attack others. Knowing who stands to gain or lose helps you read the ads.
Messenger
Likely to support
Likely to attack
What to watch for
Right-leaning cable, talk radio and websites
The deficit limit, the 2% target, the Fed trading ban, fair contracts
The top-1% share of a correction; the margin rule as “price controls”
Calling the whole act a tax hike because of one backstop
Left-leaning cable, podcasts and websites
Fair prices, the rent-software ban, the top-1% share, Fed independence
The deficit limit as “austerity”; defense and domestic cuts in a correction
Ignoring the recession pause and the Social Security exemption
Independent podcasters and creators
Anti-insider and anti-collusion packages
Anything that sounds like more bureaucracy
Clips without context; check the bill text in step 7
Industry groups (grocery, meat, energy, drugs, landlords, software)
Predictable rules, an independent Fed, symmetric contracts
The margin rule, the 50% charge, the pricing-software ban
“Job killer” or “shortages” ads paid for by the affected industry
Anti-tax pledge groups
The deficit limit
Any tax-break haircut, even for the top 1%
Pressure on members who signed a pledge
Budget watchdogs and good-government groups (left and right)
The anchor, the scoreboard, the Fed letters, the trading ban
Packages they think are too weak or too rigid
Useful detailed critiques; read them
Consumer, farm and renter groups
Fair prices and the algorithm ban
Spending cuts in a correction
Support for some packages, opposition to others
Five questions to ask about any ad or segment
Who paid for it, and do they have to say?
Is it about the whole act, or one of its 10 packages?
Does the rule apply to both parties? (Every package does.)
Would the speaker say the same thing if the other party were in power?
What does the bill actually say? Check step 7.
Step 6 · What to demand
Ask every candidate the same eight questions.
Whatever party they belong to. A yes should mean the same thing when their own party holds the White House.
Will you co-sponsor and vote for the STEADY Act’s core reforms?
Will you put a binding limit on deficits that can only be suspended by a separate, recorded vote?
Will you protect Social Security checks in any budget correction?
Will you ask the top 1% to share any correction through their tax breaks, as everyone else shares through spending?
Will you defend the Fed’s independence when your own party holds the White House?
Will you ban pricing software that lets competitors pool private data to set rents and prices?
Will you require big firms to pass falling costs on to customers in concentrated markets?
Will you hold a public town hall on this proposal and say where you stand on each package?
Short, personal messages that name specific reforms get noticed. Your message below uses the reforms you checked in step 4.
Share it
Send the page, or copy a one-page summary to paste into an email, a post or a document you can print.
Step 7 · The details
The 10 packages, in plain English.
Open any package to see what it does, why, what critics say, and the bill text itself. The packages travel through Congress as five separate bills, so each can pass on its own.
Related efforts
Who else is working on this.
The STEADY Act builds on years of work by budget watchdogs, consumer groups, economists and lawmakers in both parties. Most of its ideas have been proposed, tested or fought for by someone listed below. This page credits that work and explains what STEADY adds.
How this work fits with theirs
It borrows from the best existing ideas. The Fed trading rules write the Fed’s own 2022 policy into law. The algorithm ban follows the approach of bills and state laws already on the books. The deficit limit draws on the budget watchdogs below and on Germany’s and New Zealand’s rules.
It complements, rather than competes. Most groups below work on one piece, such as the debt, the Fed or prices, and do it in depth. STEADY connects the pieces, so a reader who cares about one can see how it depends on the others.
What STEADY adds
Money, budgets and prices in one plan. Inflation, deficits and price-gouging are usually fought in separate bills by separate camps. STEADY treats them together, because each one makes the others worse.
A standing rule, not a one-time commission. A commission proposes a deal once. STEADY sets a limit that applies every year, with a pause for recessions and a public account of every miss.
A fair split written in advance. Any correction is shared between spending, defense included, and the tax breaks of the top 1%, never Social Security checks. Most fiscal proposals leave that fight for later.
The same rules for both sides. Many bills below have sponsors from one party only. Every package of STEADY binds whoever holds office, and is meant to be led by a Republican and a Democrat together.
Draft text, sources and a plan to pass it. Each package comes with bill language, cited facts and a route through Congress, from an independent citizen with no party, PAC or donor directing it.
Listed for information only. This project is not affiliated with, endorsed by or coordinating with any of these organizations or lawmakers, and listing them does not mean they support this proposal. Descriptions summarize how each describes its own work. Leadership as of October 2026; check each website for current details.
Active: changes in the last 1–2 months · Quiet: last change 3–6 months ago · Dormant: nothing new in 6+ months. Affiliation follows how each group describes itself, or the parties of a bill’s sponsors; courts, agencies and States are unaffiliated. A ring slightly off center marks a nonpartisan group that outside critics see as leaning one way; a gold ring marks a libertarian group.
These bills in the current (119th) Congress overlap with packages of STEADY. Some take a different approach, and two point the opposite way; they are listed so you know what you’ll hear about. Where both parties are named, the bill has leads from both. Bills not passed by January 3, 2027 expire and must be reintroduced.
Status as of October 30, 2026. Check congress.gov for the latest. Listing a bill does not mean its sponsors support this proposal.
Debt and deficits
Fiscal Commission Act (H.R. 3289 / S. 4012)
Would create a 16-member bipartisan commission, 12 lawmakers and 4 outside experts, to propose a plan to stabilize the debt, followed by a fast-track vote in each chamber with no amendments. The bill set the commission’s vote for the week after the 2026 election; it has not passed, so that date will slip. Referred to committee in both chambers.
Compared with STEADY Same goal, different tool: a one-time deal versus a standing yearly limit. The two can work together; a commission plan could be the first correction under STEADY’s rule.
Senate leadJohn Curtis (R-UT) and Angus King (I-ME), with Tim Kaine (D-VA) and others
House leadBill Huizenga (R-MI) and Scott Peters (D-CA)
Would drop “maximum employment” from the Fed’s goals and leave price stability as its only mandate. Approved by the House Financial Services Committee 30–21 and placed on the House calendar in June 2026.
Compared with STEADY Opposite choice on jobs. STEADY puts the 2% inflation target in law but keeps maximum employment as an equal goal, with public letters when either is missed.
Senate leadNo Senate companion recorded.
House leadFrench Hill (R-AR), chair of the Financial Services Committee. No Democratic co-lead.
Fed Integrity and Independence Act of 2025 (S. 2817 / H.R. 5499)
Would bar Fed governors from holding another presidential appointment at the same time, to keep the central bank separate from the White House. Referred to committee.
Compared with STEADY Same aim. STEADY also bans deals to print money for the Treasury and requires written grounds and a hearing before a governor is removed.
Senate leadRuben Gallego (D-AZ) and Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-DE). No Republican co-lead recorded.
Ban Conflicted Trading at the Fed Act (2021) · officials’ stock-trading bills
The 2021 bill would have barred senior Fed officials from owning or trading individual stocks; it expired and no current version was found. The Restore Trust in Congress Act and the Stop Insider Trading Act cover members of Congress, not the Fed; the Public Trust Act tracks them.
Compared with STEADY STEADY writes the Fed’s own 2022 trading policy into law, with penalties, so a future Fed can’t quietly loosen it.
Senate lead2021 bill: Sherrod Brown, Kirsten Gillibrand, Jeff Merkley and Raphael Warnock (all D).
Would presume an illegal agreement when competitors share private data through pricing software, require companies to disclose and audit pricing algorithms, and give enforcers more tools. Endorsed by Consumer Reports, Open Markets Institute and others. Referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Compared with STEADY Closest match. STEADY adds a short rule to the Sherman Act itself and covers rents set by software.
Senate leadAmy Klobuchar (D-MN), with eight Democratic cosponsors. No Republican co-lead.
Price Gouging Prevention Act of 2025 (S. 2321 / H.R. 4528)
Would make grossly excessive prices illegal at all times, with stronger limits during emergencies and supply shocks, and require large companies to explain price increases in their public filings. Referred to committee.
Compared with STEADY Broader. STEADY covers only listed essential markets and acts only when margins rise while published input costs fall, so it targets the same problem with a narrower, measurable test.
Senate leadElizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Tammy Baldwin (D-WI). No Republican co-lead.
House leadJan Schakowsky (D-IL) and Chris Deluzio (D-PA). No Republican co-lead.
Would break up the largest meatpacking companies, limit foreign-controlled packers and end unfair pricing practices toward farmers. Endorsed by Farm Action Fund, American Economic Liberties Project, Consumer Federation of America and others.
Compared with STEADY Different tool for the same markets. STEADY does not break up companies; it publishes meat and grocery cost data and limits margin increases when costs fall.
Senate leadNo Senate companion recorded.
House leadPramila Jayapal (D-WA), Chris Deluzio (D-PA) and Pat Ryan (D-NY). No Republican co-lead.
Balanced budget amendments (H.J.Res. 2, 6, 10, 17 and others)
Several proposed amendments to the Constitution would require total spending to match total revenue each year, with a two-thirds vote to exceed it. All were referred to the House Judiciary Committee in 2025.
Compared with STEADYSTEADY works by ordinary law. Its optional constitutional follow-up (Amendment A) would lock in a balance that leaves out interest payments and pauses automatically in recessions, which is less likely to force cuts in a downturn.
SponsorsAndy Biggs (R-AZ), Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Zach Nunn (R-IA), Jay Obernolte (R-CA) and others. No Democratic co-lead.
States are moving faster than Congress on rents set by software. These laws are the testing ground for .
State laws
Bans on algorithmic price-setting
California (AB 325, in effect January 2026, any industry), New York (October 2025, rents), Connecticut and New Jersey (July 2026, rents) have passed laws against pricing tools that use competitors’ private data. Colorado’s governor vetoed a similar bill in 2025. About 21 states had bills pending as of mid-2026.
San Francisco, Philadelphia, Minneapolis and Berkeley have adopted local bans on landlords using shared rent-setting software. Berkeley paused its ordinance into 2026 while a court challenge proceeds.
Know an organization, bill or state law that belongs here? Suggest it through the feedback form.
About this page
About & sources
Created by a deeply concerned citizen with the help of generative AI tools.
This page is the public summary of a citizens’ proposal called the STEADY Act, formally the Financial Trust Act. It has not been introduced in Congress. The draft legislative text still needs review by budget, antitrust and tax lawyers, and cost estimates from the Congressional Budget Office.
It is a companion to the Public Trust Act, which sets the same rules for every official. STEADY covers money, debt and prices; the two don’t overlap. Both work under today’s Constitution.
Content matches the plan draft v0.2 of October 30, 2026. Facts are sourced below; the type of each source is noted so you can judge it yourself.
An open letter to members of Congress
To every Senator and Representative, of every party:
Your constituents are tired of paying for instability they didn’t cause. Prices that shoot up and drift down slowly. Rents set by software. A debt that grows faster than the country, with interest crowding out everything else. A central bank that every President is tempted to lean on.
The STEADY Act asks you to fix the rules, not to win the argument. Put the 2% inflation goal in law and protect the Fed from political pressure. Bring the deficit, not counting interest, to zero over nine years, with a recession pause, real emergency funding and a fair split of any correction: spending, defense included, and the tax breaks of the top 1%, never Social Security checks. Make dominant firms pass falling costs on. Ban price-fixing by algorithm. Make federal contracts work both ways.
Each package can pass on its own. We ask you to co-sponsor them with a member of the other party, to support them when your own party holds the White House, and to tell us publicly where you stand on each one.
Respectfully, Your constituents
Sources
Privacy statement
This page sets no cookies and runs no analytics or ads. Your checklist choices and message draft stay in your own browser’s storage and are never sent anywhere. “Give feedback” opens a Google Form, and “Become a sponsor” opens Ko-fi; each has its own privacy policy.
Sponsorship terms
Sponsorships support this independent citizens’ project: hosting, research and printing. They are gifts: final, non-refundable and not tax-deductible. Nothing is given in return, and sponsors have no say over the content. Spending is reported each year by category.